Night on Marginal Pinheiros, one of São Paulo's main arteries: two young Black men are approached by three military police officers in a patrol car. Reason? They were walking suspiciously, according to the team. The approach is followed by a search, interrogation, and insults from the PMs. "You're all little thieves, right," commented one of the officers.
Nothing illegal or suspicious was identified in the duo. Nevertheless, the action was celebrated in avideo published on YouTubebyDirector Elias Junior, a candidate for state deputy for MDB.. "The size of the viaduct seemed small when they saw ROTA," reads the publication's title. A sensationalist format that repeats among other YouTubers competing in the 2026 elections and who are among the most monetized by exploiting police operations. Some of the videos contain mockery, humiliation, and brutality, exposing, besides the police themselves, residents and suspects, especially in peripheral regions of large cities.
Exclusive investigation byPublic AgencyIn partnership with the platformZeeng,Shows that a candidate with many followers can earn up to R$ 8,000 per month on YouTube with videos about police operations and approaches. The survey considered the 15 influencer candidates with the highest monetization of police occurrences in 2026: they may have earned up to R$ 64,600 in total for videos (short and long) posted on YouTube from January 1 to August 25 of this year.

The values could be even higher, as the survey considers the estimated YouTube view payment, which does not take into account other social media platforms and possible sponsorships negotiated directly by the candidates, such as promoting courses and products.
In total, seven right-wing and center-right parties make up the survey: Podemos, MDB, PP, PL, Avante, União Brasil, and Republicanos. The names analyzed have a direct link to theMilitary Police, Civil Police, Federal Highway Police, and Metropolitan Civil Guard of São Paulo. The exception is Elias Junior, who is a film director, but he follows operations and explores the police aesthetic.
Of the 15 YouTubers listed in the report, 14 use police occurrences to promote their own image, most of them in behaviors that are not consistent with the norms of the Civil and Military Police of São Paulo regarding social media use.Additionally, lawmakers who have left their positions do not have the right to present themselves as police authorities - nor use the corporation's insignia or equipment, as confirmed by the Public Security Secretariat of São Paulo.
Why does it matter?
- Police forces often have guidelines on how their officers should use social media, many of which prohibit the use of derogatory language or the display of uniforms and devices.
- Approximately 6% of all candidates in these elections are linked to security forces.
- Right-wing and far-right parties have advocated for unconstitutional measures to harden punishments for crimes.
The leader in estimated revenue is theFederal deputy and candidate for re-election, delegate Palumbo (PODE-SP)Which could have generated around R$ 64,6 thousand since the beginning of the year, accumulating over 26 million views during the period analyzed. Even though licensed from his position as a Civil Police officer, Palumbo appears in videos participating in operations, particularly related to drug trafficking.

In most incidents, he walks alongside agents, assists, and even protagonizes interrogations. The titles used in the content are predominantly eye-catching and with strong words. "It's a choice between prison or a coffin - this time he ended up in prison,"describes a post from July 20, 2026.which begins with police aggressively immobilizing a man in the street. "We're not humiliating you, you're being treated as you should be," says one of the agents. After being contacted by the reporting team, Palumbo removed the video from the air, but did not respond to questions.
Licensed Delegate uses the badge and participates in operations.
The channel with the most subscribers belongs toFederal Deputy Delegate Da Cunha (Union-SP)With 3.53 million subscribers, it ranked 10th in the viewing rankings. He published 237 videos over a period of almost eight months, potentially monetizing around R$ 3,400 since January.
Da Cunha is on leave from his position as a civil police delegate, but he participates in police operations and introduces himself at the scenes as a "deputy and delegate." In one of the videos,Posted on July 8th of this yearHe questioned a man who was lynched by a mob after an unsuccessful attempt to rob an imported goods store in Osasco, SP.
Da Cunha appears in the video responding to the incident alongside the Osasco Municipal Guard. Wearing a police officer's badge, the congressman also visited the hospital where the suspect was hospitalized after the beating. With the man's head bandaged and lying on a stretcher, the legislator is filmed giving a lecture and even promotes a bill of his own and those of Kim Kataguiri (Mission-SP) and Marcos Pollon (PL-MS): "Did you know that the sentence for robbery [Article 157] increased? Did you know that the law is mine? Now the minimum sentence is 10 years. He's going to do a little time in jail, my uncle. Thanking the police that saved his life, right? If it weren't for them, his CPF (tax identification number) would be canceled."

By law, it is considered a violation for a civilian police officer to publicly use a distinctive mark of their position that they do not hold. Additionally, a 2020 decree regulated the use of social media by civilian police officers in São Paulo.The norm prohibits, among other points, the publication of photos and videos featuring victims, suspects, or individuals under investigation; it forbids behavior that seeks "social recognition" or "personal promotion" and requires "dignity and discretion in language."
The Military Police of São Paulo has had a similar regulation in place since 2021, prohibiting the publication or sharing of any content related, directly or indirectly, to the PM, as well as the disclosure of operations or investigations.
Even if the server is licensed, a public security agency can take administrative measures for the non-compliance with institutional norms, explained Pedro Marques Neto, a professor of electoral law at the Law School of Sorocaba. "There are rules that prevent the use of uniforms, for example, but they are often not enforced."
In Brazil,Nearly 30% of police agencies do not have regulations.The survey by the Sou da Paz Institute highlights the need for specific guidelines for police officers' use of social media. The entity argues that while freedom of expression must be guaranteed, "the use of police authority for self-promotion and political engagement should be prohibited."
The issue is that regulations generally do not establish the responsible sector or the methods for monitoring agents in the virtual environment, stressed the executive director of the institute, Carolina Ricardo. "Some regulations lack a clear flow of who owns this within institutions, the function of monitoring. And that makes the implementation [of the norms] much more vague," she commented.
Sought after,The Public Security Secretariat (SSP) of São Paulo stated that the legislator, on leave due to their mandate, does not have the prerogative to wear a badge or present themselves as a police authority."There is therefore no authorization for actions as described in the report," he said.Note: The provided text is already in English, so no translation is necessary. The text remains the same: Text: noteWhen asked about licensed lawmakers and also about the case of Elias Junior, who is not a police officer.
Regarding social media use, the Secretariat reinforced that police decrees from both the Civil and Military Police prohibit the creation of profiles linked to police work, as well as the publication of photos and videos with victims, and that it does not condone misconduct. "Identified cases are investigated by the corporations' corrective bodies, through their own procedures, which may result in administrative, disciplinary, civil, and criminal measures," the note states. However, the SSP did not confirm if the cases reported by the journalist will be investigated.
The text provided is incomplete, so here is the translation based on what was given: "The article:"Public (Noun)It also reached out to all 15 candidates from the survey. Captain Rebeca, ranked 12th, responded that she does not monetize the videos. However, she did not comment on the channel's goals or her position on the criticism of sensationalizing violence.
Colonel Telhada, ranked 14th, stated that none of his social media networks make money through monetization. "YouTube often sends messages asking us to monetize, but we never agree or accept, we have never signed up for any social media monetization program, and we won't," he affirmed in a statement.
Federal deputy Sargento Fahur, a candidate for re-election, stated that his channel's management is handled by a company. "The revenue from monetization is not even sufficient to cover the operation's full costs," he said, as there are expenses related to staff, video editing, space rental, and equipment purchases. "It's not self-promotion, but sharing what I believe," he concluded in a statement from the retired military police officer who is currently ranked 6th.(read in full).
This space will be updated in the event of a statement from the others.
Distintive confiscated - and returned
In July 2021, Da Cunha had his distinctive and weapon confiscated after an investigation was opened against him for simulating police operations. The items were returned in 2023, per a decision by the General Delegate of the SP Civil Police, Artur José Dian. At the time, the São Paulo State Public Security Secretariat (SSP-SP) stated that the process was exclusively within the Civil Police's competence and would not comment further on the matter.

Administrative proceedings were initiated after the deputy became a defendant in court for abuse of authority and illegal restraint. In July 2020, he allegedly restrained a kidnapping victim and the kidnapper themselves to simulate a rescue, so the scene could be recorded and shared on social media. He is also facing justice, following a criminal complaint by the Public Ministry, for domestic violence against his ex-partner in October 2023. She accused the legislator of threatening to kill her, causing bodily harm, material damage, and hitting her head against a wall, as well as attempting to suffocate her in an apartment in Santos.
On September 3rd of this year, the abuse of authority case took another turn: the announcement of Da Cunha's resignation from his post as delegate by Governor of São Paulo, Tarcísio de Freitas (Republicanos), in response to a 2022 recommendation from the Civil Police. However, on the same day the resignation was announced, the São Paulo Court granted an injunction, at the deputy's request, preventing the decision from being formalised.
Monetizing police aesthetics
With 1.3 million subscribers, Elias Junior's channel would have, on average, raised over R$ 40,800 this year through video monetization. On the initial page of his YouTube profile, he appears wearing a brown bulletproof vest and camouflage clothing, reminiscent of the Brazilian Army uniform. In some videos, he wears a boina and a uniform similar to that of the São Paulo Military Police.

Elias Junior attends incidents within police vehicles, uses a punitive discourse, and exposes police approaches, even when no crimes have been identified. Using sensationalist titles, among other formats, he criticizes the Brazilian legal system. One such title was "Bad woman had the benefit of a prison mother" In the video, published on June 16, 2026, he converses with a woman serving a sentence for drug trafficking at home due to a legal benefit granted to mothers of children under 12.
In another post on June 23, 2026, the candidate accompanies a patrol by two military police lieutenants who decide to stop two men allegedly walking in a "shady" manner in the East Zone of São Paulo. The men were drug addicts and were interrogated by the military about drug use and crimes they may have committed; they were later released.However, the video was posted.
Director Elias Junior did not respond to inquiries from the Public.The Military Police did not comment on the case.The media court and the 'hero cop'
The media trial and the 'hero cop'
Regarding the 'cop YouTuber', there are institutional rules that should limit the actions of public servants on the internet. In São Paulo, for example, the use of any element referring to the corporation in personal profiles is prohibited, except for ceremonies, graduations, and exceptional events. However, what happens in practice is the theatricalization of the security agent's activity, with violent speeches that tend to construct the image of 'hero cop', just like in most police programs - explained researcher Dannilo Duarte, author of the book Police Journalism on Brazilian Television: Genre and Mode of Addressing.
The internet has amplified the audiovisual exploitation of operations, particularly in actions involving more vulnerable populations.The author highlights that the internet has magnified the audiovisual exploration of operations, especially in actions involving more vulnerable populations..
The author emphasizes that the internet has amplified the audiovisual exploitation of operations, particularly in actions targeting vulnerable populations.There is a positioning of who is the victim and who will be the criminal. Often, this criminal will be black or brown, and they will be in peripheral regions.An idea is formed that it is always linked to trafficking, and these are people with the stereotype of the smooth talker, the schemer, who does not abide by the laws.
Additionally, this type of approach, according to the author, fuels the idea of a "vigilante" who, amidst stimuli for violence and the discrediting of the judicial system, carries out "justice by their own hands," as seen in the murder of Claudio Rafael Landeiro on August 12th in Copacabana, South Zone of Rio de Janeiro. The victim was 37 years old and was beaten to death by five men after being falsely accused of stealing a bicycle.
"It's a kind of encouraged behavior, 'good thief is dead thief.' But you won't see that happening in a middle-class condo, even if the offender committed a serious offense. Middle-class, upper-middle-class young white people aren't beaten up on the beach or in alleys. Physical integrity is not respected. There's a virtual and physical degradation," Duarte pointed out.

Out of the 15 profiles analyzed, there is one exception to the police aesthetic. It is theFederal Highway Police officer, Breno Faria, is a candidate for federal deputy for the PL party.In Rio de Janeiro. Owner of Channel 4Coffee with Your FatherHe, through his popular Instagram profile, takes advantage of the internet space to promote misogynistic ideas and attacks on laws combating violence against women. Inone of the videoshe states: "Feminist laws have not protected women in any way" and advocates for "family counseling" as more effective than current legislation.
In another post, Breno Faria makes derogatory comments about the clothes of Deputy Erika Hilton (PSOL-SP). "Black transgender woman or Beverly Hills patrician?"he wrote on June 15. It is estimated that Faria has monetized around R$ 3,800 on YouTube alone since January, with over 1.9 million views in 401 videos.
METHODOLOGY
The text provided is incomplete, so here is the translation based on what was given: "The article:"Public AgencyThe survey began by considering the 100 YouTube creators and channels on the platform with the most subscribers. We then crossed this data with those who are candidates this year, using the database from the Superior Electoral Court.
To estimate the monetized values by the candidates, the sum of views for videos published on each of the 15 YouTube channels between January 1st and August 25th of this year, separated between shorts and long videos, was considered. This led to the application of a gross ad revenue model that combines an official YouTube parameter - based on a 55% split of advertising revenue with the creator - and estimates of CPM (cost per thousand impressions) and RPM (revenue per thousand views).
Eduardo Prange, researcher and CEO ofText: ZeengThe calculated values are a "moderate" estimate, as both an optimistic and conservative scenario for potential collections were also considered, states the report. Prange emphasizes that the only way to obtain accurate monetization data would be to have access to YouTube Analytics for each channel - which only the owner has.
The published values do not take into account other social networks and also possible sponsorships negotiated directly with the channel owner, such as course or product promotions.
